Emerging as a donor is one
thing, but operating as an effective one in the field is a hard task for Turkey
at this time.
The history of ODA dates back to the emergence of
nation states, however the first organized attempts to program, coordinate and
monitor the ODA started with the establishment of OECD’s Development Assistance
Committee (OECD/DAC) in 1960. The DAC is still operational and shall be
regarded as the framework organization of traditional donors. The ODA practices
of traditional donors have evolved over time in relation to the political and
economic concerns of the period. The Second World War, the Cold War, the
Post-colonial period and the end of the Cold War are the milestones with
respect to the evolution of ODA in time. Throughout these periods the ODA
practices were shaped in parallel to diplomatic, security and economic priorities.
The researchers started to investigate this policy
field starting from the 1940’s thus we have dependable information and knowledge with respect to the
ODA starting from the end of the Second World War.
1941 Lend and Lease Act of the US, 1948 Marshall Plan
towards Europe shall be regarded as the first forms of ODA in contemporary ODA history.
A more simple form of ODA shall also be observed in the post-colonial relations
between the colonial powers and former colonies. The colonial powers used the
ODA as an instrument to sustain the dependency of their dominions. During the
cold war, the ODA transformed into an effective tool towards the proxy states
and thus this period shall be better understood under realist conceptions. In
this regard, ODA has been an effective tool of 3rd world politics and an instrument
of modernization in the 3rd World. Today, although realist conceptions could be
helpful in understanding the ODA, we can also observe some liberal conceptions in
ODA operationalization, especially in complex political emergency situations
such as refugees, genocide, human trafficking etc.
In 2000s, the era of tied aid started to be a form of
ODA and fear of terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan brought security
concerns within the context of the ODA. Poverty, good governance, cash on
delivery policies of donors, rentier states shall be identified as the new
trends in ODA.
In recent years, we also witnessed the diminishing
role played by the traditional donors and the emerging role of non-DAC donors
like China, Brazil and Russia. In this vein, the changing power relations and
its effects on ODA allocation and ODA’s effect on changing power relations are
worth noting.
Turkey’s Early Efforts
The disintegration of the Soviet Union as well as the
breakup of Yugoslavia which lead to the emergence of new states in the former
Soviet territory and the Balkans are considered as milestones for Turkey’s ODA practices. This
period resulted in Turkey’s initiation of almost the first organized attempts
to provide ODA to the newly independent states. This was also the time when
Turkey became an active member of the donor community with its growing amount
of ODA.
Turkey has been providing development assistance since
the 1970’s. But its first observable attempts to provide ODA dates back to 1980’s in the
aftermath of a military coup and the adoption of an export led strategy. In
this regard, Ankara launched a program worth of $ 10 million, aiming at the
Sahel countries in 1985. The scope of the program was limited to countries in
the Sahel region namely Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Mauritania, Senegal,
Somali, and Sudan. The reason behind this new initiative can be attributed to
the foreign policy priorities, which involved the promotion of Turkey’s
positive image worldwide, its integration into the world economy, and the use
of aid as an effective instrument to enhance Turkey´s commercial ties relations
with especially less developed African countries.
The legitimacy concerns of the
ruling military administration in the 1980’s might have also played a role in launching
this program, because the pledge to launch an assistance program to Sahel
Region was given in an Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) meeting. So the
program was not only based on economic grounds but there is also political
motives behind it. In addition to political motives, geographical proximity as
well as close historical and cultural ties also sparked Turkey’s interest to
these regions. As a result, Turkey’s ODA was institutionalized with the
establishment of TIKA (Turkish International Development and Cooperation
Agency).
Drawbacks of the Contemporary
Turkish ODA
In twenty years’ time,
Turkey’s ODA scope and activities have been diversified and also spread through
the Central Asian Republics, the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) regions. The Least Developed Countries (LDCs), Sub-Saharan
African countries and some small island states became a area of interest in
recent years as well.
The Turkish ODA steadily increased through years with a sharp increase in 2004 as the result of TİKA’s collecting and publishing ODA data in accordance to the OECD DAC Guidelines. (see here) Despite years of experience and allocation of a huge amount of money (1.226 billion USD- in 2011) from the national budget, it could be argued that Turkey’s ODA is still a problematic area and have certain drawbacks and paradoxes. These can be summarized in three bullets;
The Turkish ODA steadily increased through years with a sharp increase in 2004 as the result of TİKA’s collecting and publishing ODA data in accordance to the OECD DAC Guidelines. (see here) Despite years of experience and allocation of a huge amount of money (1.226 billion USD- in 2011) from the national budget, it could be argued that Turkey’s ODA is still a problematic area and have certain drawbacks and paradoxes. These can be summarized in three bullets;
-First, the ODA in Turkey
lacks a grand strategy, plan, vision and priorities and thus the project
management is problematic in terms project identification, preparation,
programming, implementation, monitoring and evaluation.
-Second, there is institutional
and legal disarray with respect to the ODA. The ODA towards other countries is
being conducted in an less coordinated manner, mainly deriving from the
deficiencies of the legal framework.
-Third, the allocation of ODA
to different countries and sectors is based on cultural, political, ethnic and
historical dynamics while the economic domain is being neglected in the
allocation of resources.
Despite there is a downward
trend in traditional donor behavior, Turkey’s ODA reached 1.226 billion USD in
2011. Although Turkey is still an aid recipient country, it is being classified
as an emerging donor country since 2004. Turkey’s growing attention towards ODA
and increasing amount of ODA is notable.
When we look at the
distribution of Turkish ODA in 2011, we observe that the share of bilateral
assistance is almost 90 percent while the share of multilateral assistance is
only 10 percent, mainly regular allowances to international organizations. In our
view, the underlying economic and political dynamics of the bilateral dominance
in ODA composition and allocation needs a comprehensive research as well.
Turkey’s ODA policy is not
clearly linked with the country´s trade and investment policies, in this regard
the literature argues that the aid policy is under the dominance of the
political dynamics and mainly linked with foreign policy. Contrary to the
arguments; the political and strategic considerations as well as trade concerns
with recipient countries are the main reasons for Turkey’s proactive foreign aid
policy. ODA is being used as an instrument in attaining certain political goals
in foreign policy and despite it has to be a newly emerging policy area that
needs to be addressed thoroughly and be linked with not only the political
domain but also the economic domain as well. Nevertheless, the “strategic
depth” in Turkish foreign policy lacks an “operational depth” given the
problems underlined with respect to the ODA. You can hardly find references to
the foreign aid policy and TİKA as a responsible agency in the “Turkey’s 2023 Export Strategy and Plan of
Action”.
Moreover, the project cycle is
problematic, the projects being conducted by Turkish government are probably
based on the demands and requests of the recipient countries randomly. In this
regard it could be argued that there are no priorities or vision with respect
to project identification and project development. The projects are identified
either through a request from the recipient country or a call from the field
office.
The projects are not program
based but rather small projects to relieve the lives of ordinary people, there
is no engagement in state building and/or policy level as well as assertive
projects but rather projects concentrated on responding the urgent needs of
people. Targeting people and satisfaction of the ordinary people´s needs seem
to be reflected as the successful outcome of the projects but the results and
the outcome in the long run and at state level are not in focus.
Articlespolitics think that Turkish
government should empower Turkey’s main development cooperation institution
TIKA with a proper mandate and a strong foreign aid legislation that would
facilitate Agency's coordination role over other Turkish institutions, if it
wants to be a sustainable and effective emerging donor.
Articles you might also like;
> Understanding China's Foreign Aid
> Foreign Aid: Virtue or New Colonialism
> Ambitious Turkish Diplomacy
> Totalitarian Rule in Turkey: Erdoğan's Quest
> Foreign Aid: Virtue or New Colonialism
> Ambitious Turkish Diplomacy
> Totalitarian Rule in Turkey: Erdoğan's Quest


